TABOR, we need to talk

Colorado's budget rule was built with the wrong measuring stick.

It limits what the state can spend based on the price of groceries and rent. But the state buys ambulances, road salt, and nurses. Those cost a lot more than they used to.

Here's what's happening, one idea for fixing it, and — honestly — what that fix will cost you. You'd still get your refund check. It would just be smaller.

We think the change is worth making. You might not. We've put the costs right next to the benefits so you can decide for yourself.

First, what TABOR actually does

In 1992, Colorado voters passed the Taxpayer's Bill of Rights. People call it TABOR. It does two main things.

You vote on every tax increase

No government in Colorado — state, city, county, school district — can raise a tax without asking you first.

There's a limit on what the state keeps

If more money comes in than the limit allows, the extra gets refunded to taxpayers.

Nobody is proposing to change the first one. Your vote on taxes stays exactly as it is. This is a conversation about how the limit in the second one gets calculated.

Here's the problem

Every year, the limit is allowed to grow by two things added together: how much Colorado's population grew, and how much consumer prices went up in the Denver area.

Consumer prices track what a household buys — groceries, rent, gas, a winter coat. That's a good way to measure your cost of living.

It's a poor way to measure the state's.

Imagine your household budget could only grow with the price of groceries — but most of your spending went to medical bills. You'd fall behind every single year, no matter how carefully you managed your money.

That's the situation. The state doesn't buy many groceries. It buys health care, school buildings, road materials, and the salaries of nurses, teachers, snowplow drivers and paramedics. Those prices have climbed much faster.

+151%
Consumer prices in the Denver area
+197%
Medical care
+274%
School books and supplies

Change between 1992 and 2024. Source: Colorado Fiscal Institute, using federal price data.

The gap widens every year 1992 high 2024 What the limit follows What government buys gap
Shown as a general shape, not exact yearly values. The point is the direction: the two lines separate and never come back together.

Nobody voted for that gap. It's a side effect of which measuring stick got written into the rule back in 1992. And because each year builds on the last, a small gap compounds into a large one.

One idea for fixing it

Keep everything about TABOR that people like. Change one thing: how the limit's growth gets calculated.

Instead of population plus consumer prices, the limit would grow by population plus whichever is higher — how much Coloradans' incomes grew, or how much prices grew — using a five-year average so it doesn't swing wildly from year to year.

Why the five-year average matters. Incomes jump around. One good year or one bad year shouldn't reset the state's budget. Averaging over five years smooths that out. When we test this version, it comes out steadier than the rule we have now — it grows faster on average and swings around less. That's unusual, and it's the main reason we favor it.

What changes and what doesn't

The rule now
Population + consumer prices
The proposed rule
Population + higher of income or prices
Your vote on taxes
Required for every increase
Your vote on taxes
Required for every increase — unchanged
Your refund check
You get one whenever revenue tops the limit
Your refund check
You still get one whenever revenue tops the limit — it's just smaller
Your tax rate
Set by law and by voters
Your tax rate
No change at all
How fast the limit grows
About 4.8% a year
How fast the limit grows
About 7.3% a year

Now the part most pages skip

If the limit grows faster, the state keeps more and refunds less. That's real money out of your pocket, and we're not going to pretend otherwise.

You still get a refund check. This does not end refunds. In any year the state collects more than the limit allows, you get money back — the same as today. The check is just smaller.

Here's roughly what that looks like for a household like yours.

What would this have cost me?

Pick whichever way of answering suits you. Nothing is saved or sent anywhere.

You keep getting a refund — here's the size
Your refund under the rule now
Your refund under the new rule
Why we show a range instead of one number. Refunds don't work the same way every year. Some years everyone gets the same amount — it was $800 per person for 2023. Other years the amount depends on your income. Some refunds arrive as a check, others as a discount on your tax bill or your property taxes. And in a year with no surplus, nobody gets one under either rule. Anyone who gives you a single exact figure is guessing. A range is the honest answer.

What your community would get

Money the state keeps doesn't automatically go anywhere in particular. The legislature still decides that, the same as always. So what changes isn't a guarantee — it's whether the money exists to argue over.

Where you live changes what this means for you.

Most places

Your city or county already voted to keep its own money

Most local governments asked their own voters years ago for permission to keep revenue above their local limit, and most of those votes passed — 230 of 274 cities and 177 of 178 school districts. For these places, the local limit isn't the problem. What reaches them is money the state shares for roads, public health and human services. That's what this change would affect.

13 counties

Your county never opted out — and it's getting tighter

Thirteen Colorado counties still operate under the original limit. Routt County, for example, currently gives back about 39% of the property tax it could otherwise collect, and that share grows every time property gets reassessed. These are the places where the effects show up as slower ambulance response, deferred bridge repairs, and shorter library hours.

Everywhere

Federal cuts are landing on Colorado right now

A federal law passed in 2025 is shifting costs to states starting in late 2026 — health coverage paperwork, food assistance administration, hospital funding. Colorado counties do that work. The state's limit doesn't rise when Congress hands down a bill. That's the squeeze this change is meant to relieve.

What people who disagree say

These are real arguments, made by serious people. We think the case for changing the formula is stronger, but you should hear the other side stated properly rather than knocked down.

"Government grew anyway."

It did. Over the years, more of state government moved to fees and state-run enterprises, which aren't counted the same way as taxes. Critics argue the limit was never as binding as reformers claim — and that the answer is to close those workarounds, not raise the limit.

"Colorado is doing fine."

Colorado's taxes are below the national average and the state's economy has performed well for decades. Some people see that as evidence the current rule is working exactly as intended.

"That refund is my money."

It is. Refunds are real dollars returned to households, and this change means smaller checks in good years. If you'd rather have the money than the services, that's a legitimate position — and this proposal is asking you to give something up.

Questions worth asking anyone — including us

  • Which measurement replaces the current one, and who publishes it?
  • What happens in a recession? Can the limit shrink?
  • How much smaller will my refund be?
  • Does this guarantee funding for anything specific, or just raise the ceiling?
  • What does it do for my city or county in particular?

We're not asking you to sign anything, give us your email, or send money. We think you should have the numbers. What you do with them is your business.